Abstract €€€€€€€€This paper is concerned with the rece

This paper is concerned with the recent wave of Hong Kong immigrants into Van couver. The stage is set for this discussion by first explaining some background behind Canadian imm igration policy and then discussing the history of Chinese immigrants in Vancouver. From these discu ssions we are informed that Canadian immigration policy was historically ethnocentric and only began to change in the late 1960s. It was at this point that we see a more multicultural group of immigra nts into our nation. The history of Chinese immigration in Vancouver, and for that matter, Canada is not positive one. The experiences and prejudices which were developed over 100 years ago still colo urs the way in which we view one another. The recent wave of Hong Kong immigrants bega n in the 1970s. This group is different from most others before it because of it's scale and the fac t that they tend to be well-educated, affluent people. The result of their immigration into Vancouve r has been a booming economy and social tension. With greater understanding and awareness on both si des we can alleviate the social tensions. Introduction There is a school in Vanco uver which is offering a four year immersion programme to its students. That in itself is not highly unusual in our bilingual nation, what is unusual is that the language of choice for the immersion p rogramme is not French, it is Mandarin. The programme was voted in by parents who believed the Manda rin language to be more important to their children's futures in Vancouver than French. This situati on shows quite effectively the transition which is taking place in Canada's third largest city. Vanc ouver is a city which is consistently looking more and more to the Pacific Rim nations, especially H ong Kong, for its economic and social connections. Vancouver is the most asian Canadia n city in outlook. At $1.3 Billion, British Columbia accounts for the greatest Asian investment of all the provinces. As the urban center of the province, Vancouver is the destination for most of thi s capital. With an Asian population of over 18%, perhaps it is not so surprising that so much Asian capital is invested in the city. The draw of Vancouver for Asians has numerous reasons including, se curity, an opportunity to continue business in Asia, and a feeling of welcome. The result is that th e city is being completely rebuilt with asian money. As a consequence of this influx, all is not wel l, there are tensions within the city that have recently been surfacing. Before entering into this d iscussion, however, it is important to understand the context of immigration in Canada as well as th e history of asian immigration into our nation. Policy Jurisdiction Jurisdiction over immigration is shared between the Federal and Provincial governments. The Federal government is res ponsible for establishing admission requirements while the provinces are becoming increasingly inter ested in the selection of applicants and their settlement. The governments set out numerous controls , including those over the ethnocultural composition of incoming immigrants, the total number of imm igrants admitted, the categories of immigrants admitted, and the regional settlement of immigrants o nce they arrive. History of Immigration in Canada Historically, Canadian immigration policy has been consistently ethnocentric. It was only recently that the Canadian government sought to maintain a 'white' society by selectively advertising abroad as well as granting prospective appl icants from Europe, the US, New Zealand, and Australia preferential treatment. During the 1960s this distinction between preferred and non-preferred contries was replaced with a points-system. Along w ith the new points-system it was hoped that applicants from all countries and of all ethnic origins were treated equally. The effects of this shift has been significant. Fig. 1 As can be seen in the above table, the majority of the immigrants arriving before 1967 were of European background . From 1967 onward the flow of immigrants has been internationalized. Throughout the 2 0th Century the Canadian government has set targets for the number of immigrant entries based upon e conomic criteria. Periods of encouragement have included the early decades of this century along wit h the reconstruction era of Post World War II. The 30s, 40s and the recession of the early 80s have been periods during which the national government has discouraged immigration. At times, economic co ncerns have given way to humanitarian ones such as during the Soviet invasions of Hungary and Czecho slovakia, and during the Vietnamese refugee crisis of the 70s. Generally, however, Can adian immigration targets have reflected the rate of economic expansion and employment. An exception to this rule was during the latter part of the 1980s. Worry over the declining fertility rate and o ur ageing population led the federal government to raise its annual targets despite high unemploymen t. Most recently, under economic pressures, the most recent Liberal government once again lowered th e immigration level. The Geography of Immigration There have also been attempts at co ntrolling the geography of immigrant settlement. The Federal government stated that one of the prima ry goals of immigration is to, 'foster the development of a strong and viable economy and the prospe rity of all regions in Canada.' Immigration in our country has been seen as a means of promoting eco nomic development in less prosperous regions, as well as supporting heartland areas. W hile the government has attempted to influence the geography of immigrant settlement, they have been able to achieve few results. Most immigrants still gravitate to areas of demonstrated economic grow th. Immigrants have avoided the Atlantic provinces, Manitoba, and Saskatchewan while they have been attracted to Alberta (mainly during the economic boom of the 70s), British Columbia, and especially Ontario. In the table below we are able to clearly see that, as a percentage of their own population , Ontario, B.C. and Alberta dominate the remaining provinces with their share of the immigrant popul ation. Fig. 2 An even greater degree of concentration is apparent when urban destinations are considered. In 1991 Toronto, Montreal, and Vancouver accounted for 60% of the inten ded destinations stated by those immigrants arriving into Canada. Nearly 80% of immigr ants intended to settle in just ten cities. The Table below shows the intended urban destination of immigrants to Canada in 1991. City Total Immigrants Percentage Toronto 63,891 27.7 Montreal 46,300 20.1 Vancouver 26,361 11.4 Top Three 136,552 59.2 Mississauga 9,082 3.9 Ottawa-Hull 7,977 3.5 Edmonton 7,6 29 3.3 Calgary 7,307 3.2 Winnipeg 5,173 2.2 London 3,752 1.6 Hamilton 3,745 1.6 Top Ten 181,217 78.5 Remainder 49,564 21.5 Of all immigrants, those entering under the business category exhibited the most clustered pattern of settl ement. 80% of this group chose to live in either Toronto, Montreal, or Vancouver. The following tabl e breaks down the intended urban destination of business immigrants to Canada in 1991. Fig. 4 City Business Immigrants Percentage Toronto 582 15.7 M ontreal 1102 29.7 Vancouver 1,294 34.9 Top Three 2,978 80.3 Edmonton 86 2.3 Calgary 79 2.1 Winnipeg 72 1.9 Hamilton 37 1.0 Mississauga 31 0.8 Ottawa-Hull 19 0.5 Londo n 12 0.3 Top Ten 3,314 89.3 Remainder 396 10.7 Chinese Immigration The first major influx of the chinese into Canada w as during the 1850s and 1860s, when they were lured to this country by the promised bounty of the Fr aser River gold rush. By 1860, the new colony of British Columbia counted amongst its population 4,0 00 Asians but their numbers tended to fluctuate according to the prosperity of the mines. The greate st period of chinese immigration occured between 1881-1884 when over 17,000 chinese came to work on the CPR. Pressured by the railway companies, who viewed the chinese as reliable, cheap labour, the f ederal government vetoed any attempts to halt their entrance into the country until the railway was completed. With the final completion of the railway chinese immigration remained in flux by continue d to grow in absolute numbers. History of Discrimination The chinese were always discriminated agai nst, they were consistently treated as outcasts. The chinese immigrant was thought, by mainstream Ca nadian society to be 'taking' jobs away from whites at half the 'acceptable' wages. This was said ev en though the chinese usually were employed in jobs which the majority of whites thought were beneat h them. For instance, many chinese immigrants employed themselves by providing laundry services in m ining camps, or in cities. It was at this point that the chinese began a tradition of entrepreneursh ip in Canada which they still maintain today. Fig. 5 is a picture cut out of a Vancouver newspaper a t the turn of the century entitled 'The Unanswerable Argument'. It essentially epitomizes the cities views of itself and those of the chinese immigrant. FIG. 5 In 1885 discrimination against the chinese received official sanction with the implementation of the 'head tax'. Originally this ta x was set at $10 but, by 1893 it had grown to $500. It never had the desired effect of stopping chin ese immigration, but it certainly slowed it down considerably. In 1923 the discrimination continued as the federal government barred all immigration from China; a provision which was not lifted until 1947. Until 1947 the chinese were also prevented from practicing medicine, law, or becoming members of any other professions. It was only in the late 40s that chinese/canadian citizens were even allow ed to vote in Canada. The numerous restrictions placed upon this group of people ensured that chines e communities were made up of bachelors as only single adult men could afford to immigrate. From the time that Vancouver was incorporated in 1886 there was a geographical reference to the racial categ ory 'chinese' at Carall and Dupont (E. Pender) streets (indicated in Fig. 4 as Chinatown). One-hundr ed forty-three merchants founded associations and ran businesses in the area, usually with attached homes, to service the chinese immigrant population of 2,053 in 1901. At that time the community incl uded over 1,500 labourers. Many of the individuals in this district depended upon chinese bosses to find them contract work in laundries, saw mills, brickyards and canneries. Others worked within the community in construction, restaurants and tailoring firms. Ottawa had seen an economic interest in the idea of a cheap 'chinese' type of labour and set a precedent for widespread economic subordiniza tion of the chinese. Vancouver's Bell-Irving said in 1901, 'It is the destiny of the white man to be worked for by inferior races.' In 1885 proprietor R. Dunsmuir said that in his mines the 'chinese a re put to the type of work that best suits them ordinary, manual labour.' Fig. 6 Local wh ite workers were equally willing to believe in the idea of a unique 'chinese' type of labour. They e ven resorted to violence on February 24, 1886 when 300 whites invaded a camp of chinese workers in t he West End to rid the city of 'unfair competition'. With tacit approval of local police and officia ls, the white labourers attacked the camp and sent the chinese residents of Dupont st. to New Westmi nster. The provincial government stepped in at this point and sent special constables from Victoria to restore law and order. The rioters were eventually brought to trial. The banished chinese returne d from New Westminster and the West End contract was completed. Many of the labourers gravitated to the original Dupont st. settlement. It was only the senior state interaction which allowed the chine se to settle peacefully in a somewhat reluctant Vancouver. This history of chinese settlement in Van couver is extremely crucial to the understanding of the present situation as it still plays in the p syche of these two groups in their daily interactions in the city. New Immigrants There has been a shift in chinese immigration over the past thirty years. No longer are the majority of chinese immi grants poor, single-adult males from rural farming communities in mainland China; today, the dominan t chinese immigrants are middle to upper-class, generally educated, urbanites from Hong Kong. Some o f the changes which were talked about earlier in this paper made to the Canadian immigration policy have encouraged more middle-class/ professional immigration in order to boost Canada's skill profile and to help generate employment. These changes have caused a shift in the orientation of the immigr ant population and capital flows into Canada. Fig. 7 In particular, the countries of the p acific rim have risen in relative importance as source regions for both international finance and mi grants into Canada. Fig. 7 shows the transition in the importance of certain countries as sources of immigrants. The table shows all immigrants in Canada and compares them to the most recent immigrant s in the country. One can see from this table that Pacific Rim nations, especially Hong Kong, have c ontributed the most immigrants in recent years. These new immigrants are not following the tradition al pattern of chinese settlement in Vancouver. No longer is Chinatown the destination of chinese immigrants into Vancouver. Since the 1970s the new wave of immigrants has been moving out of the central city, usually skipping it altogether and into the suburbs. The fastest growing chinese communitiesthroughout Canadian cities are no longer found in downtown's but rather on the fringes. In Vancouver, this translates into a booming Chinese population in such suburbs as New Westminster and Richmond. Richmond's population, for example, is made up of over one-third recent immigrants from Hong Kong.The Business-Immigrant As was shown in Fig. 4, Vancouver is the destination for the majority of the business-class immigrants. Over 30% of all immigrants entering the country under this category aredestined for Vancouver, that is greater than any other single city in Canada. According to Roslyn Kunin, author of a government report on immigrant investment, $3Billion was brought into Canada by business immigrants between 1986 and 1991. The majority of that money came from Asia. For those five years, business immigrant financial investment amounted to 10% of all business sector growth. Impressive as those numbers are on their own, they are even higher for British Columbia, where, in 1992, afull 25% of the $4Billion invested in the province came from Hong Kong alone. Thanks to these new immigrants, the province enjoyed a growth of 3.3% in 1992, far exceeding the 0.7% growth of the restof Canada. The Hong Kong Bank of Canada, after purchasing the Bank of British Columbia and Lloyds Bank of Canada, has become the country's largest foreign bank with assets of $12.6Billion. Its most profitable branch: Vancouver Chinatown. The Exodus Why is it that their are so many recent immigrants from Hong Kong? Fears of an uncertain future for the country after the reigns of power are given over to the People's Republic of China are the primary driving force. Many of the affluent members ofHong Kong society fear that what they have worked for may be taken away, they fear political, social and economic repression. The calming voices coming out of Beijing have not convinced many Hong Kong residents. China is not trusted. Also, the political and economic climate of the territory have driven many people away. Emigration has long been a feature of Hong Kong life and Canada has been, andcontinues to be, a favourite destination for the disillusioned. The Case of Toronto Vancouver is not alone in the changes taking place within its city. Toronto's Chinese population is also decentralizing. No longer is its Chinese population centered upon an area in the downtown core called Chinatown. Canada's largest Chinese community is now found in six centers throughout the Toronto region. Three of these centers are within the city, while three are without, but the growth is in the suburbsScarborough, Mississauga, North York. The transition is from a central, condensed Chinatown area into more sparsely populated North American style neighborhoods. Chinese have been more slow to moveto the suburbs than other ethnic groups, mainly due to the extremely harsh racism which was outlinedearlier. The Chinese, it is thought, needed Chinatown to protect themselves, something which, arguably, is not necessary any more. Why Vancouver? The change in structure of this new immigrant groupas well as their location amongst the community has caused many problems to surface. Vancouver tendstobe one of the most popular destinations for new Hong Kong immigrants, especially for the business-minded. Why is Vancouver so popular? There are three core reasons for this popularity 1)The provincial and civic governments have given clear signals to the Hong Kong community that the city is openfor business (i.e. the sale of expo lands to Li Ka Shing). There has been a marked shift in view bypolicy makers in the region away from the East where Europe and Central Canada lie, towards the West, and the pacific rim nations. 2)Asian entrepreneurs are able to do business in Vancouver around theclock. Vancouver is located in such a way as to be in perfect position for Asian entrepreneurs, itis almost exactly halfway between Tokyo and London. As a result businessmen can conduct business inLondon in the morning, the west coast in the middle of the day, and Tokyo or Hong Kong in the evening. 3)Asian businessmen also are begining to see how they can take advantage of Nafta. By settling inVancouver they are taking advantage of the first two benefits and possibly using this third one. Byimmigrating into Canada and ensuring that the Canadian content of the business is 51% or greater the businessmen can take full advantage of Nafta benefits. Social Strains As Vancouver enjoys the economic benefits of record levels of immigration, the city of 1.6 million finds itself straining to accomodate the needs of an increasingly multicultural population. Citizens of longer standing, meanwhile, are asking other questions: as the face of the city changes, whose values will prevail, those oftraditional Vancouver or those of the newcomers? Vancouver is a city which still evokes strong British heritage, the visibly changing population might prompt an even deeper question, one that has profound meaning for the entire country. As the numbers of Canadians of nonEuropean origin increases, who are 'we' anyways? In contrast to the immigrants of past decades, most of whom arrived in their new home with little money and a willingness to take any work that was offered, many of the most recent newcomers to the city, particularly the roughly one-fifth who arrive from Hong Kong, have bothwealth and high expectations. As investors and consumers their growing presence has extremely visible consequences. The new economic immigrants arrive in Vancouver flush with cash. They are rich. Atthe Chinatown branch of the Hongkong Bank of Canada, half of the 20,000 clients have $3Million deposits. Ready to invest, they arrive in a city with little industry to invest in. As a result they turntowards real estate. Over the course of 1993 the real estate prices in Kerrisdale and Shaughnessy,two communities popular with new chinese immigrants, rose over 40%. The following figure shows examples of the 'monster homes' built in Kerrisdale and Shaughnessy on typical lots and compares them toexamples of the more traditional homes. Fig. 8In late 1992, Kerrisdale and Shaughnessy were neighborhoods at the centre of a heated debate over the right of new purchasers to level existing homes and replace them with much larger dwellings that residents believed to be out of place.In a district where many long-standing homeowners are avid gardeners, it did not help that many builders felled full-grown trees in order to accomodate the larger scale homes, and replaced greenery with multiple parking spaces. 'There is suffering going on in the neighborhood. People are emotionallyexhausted,' says Johanna Albrecht, chairwoman of the West Kerrisdale Residents' Association tree co mmittee about the greenery issue. At the same time, the owners of the offending homes, many recentlyarrived immigrants from Hong Kong, insisted that they had met existing zoning rules and had a cleara right to do as they wished with their property. After a series of emotional public hearings duringearly 1993, a compromise was reached. In exchange for permission to build houses larger than anywhere else in Vancouver, City Hall now insists that builders of new homes take into account the style of the dwellings on either side. While city hall thinks that this solution is working, many residentsare not so positive. Conclusions To be honest with ourselves, we must begin by admitting that noteveryone rejoices in the 'changing face' of our country. Nor is it the case that Canada opens its arms equally and impartially to all corners of the earth, or looks positively opun all of their cultural differences. Every Canadian nows that such preferences exist; the task of a nation which is trulycommtted to human rights is to defy its own prejudices. Discriminatory attitudes and acts are not necessarily aimed at the least advantaged. 1995 was witness to several cases of vocal resentment directed against relatively affluent Asian minorities in cities such as Toronto and Vancouver. The causeof the disturbance is that some of these people have moved into neighborhoods with different ethnicbackgrounds. The increased Asian visibility created a backlash, which in this case took the form ofsuggestions that the community was too 'concentrated' or 'exclusive,' or insufficiently 'divers.' Perhaps what was most positive about these outbursts was that when people began to calm down things usually led to a greater dialogue and a determination by all sides to do better. For instance, a story about 'overly prominent' Chinese-Canadians in Vancouver led to the publication of some advice in the city's Ming Pao Daily News suggesting that Canadians of Chinese origin might do more to avoid raising intercultural resentments and to examine their own cultural and racial prejudices. Perhaps thisis good advice for all Canadians, especially in Vancouver in Toronto. One might ask whether the ideal of a color-blind and ethnically harmonious society would not be better served by putting such differences to the side rather than in-graining them through official hyphenization. If we are all Canadians together, why do we continue to qualify our geographic identifiers with words such as White, Black, French, Asian, German, Muslim, or Allophone?BibliographyPrimary Albrecht, Johanna. Telephone Interview. 22 March 1996. Chong, Abner. Telephone Interview.23 March 1996. Employment and Immigration Canada. Immigration Statistics 1991. Ottawa: Ministry ofSupply and Services, 1992. Statistics Canada. Immigration and Citizenship. 1991 Census of Canada,Catalogue No. 93-316. Secondary Anderson, Kay J. 'Community Formation in Official Context: Residential Segregation and the 'Chinese' in Early Vancouver' Canadian Geographer 38, No. 3 (1994), 354-356. Anderson, Kay J. 'The Idea of Chinatown: The Power of Place and Institutional Practice in the Making of a Racial Category' Annals of the Association of American Geographers, 77(4), 1987, 580-598. Ford, Ashley. 'Canadian Land Boom Goes West' Far Eastern Economic Review Mar. 29, 1994, 44-45. Fung, May. 'Passport to a New Beginning' The Hong Kong Standard Feb. 4, 1996, Special Report.Gold, Kerry. 'Proposed Legislation Would Protect Most Trees' The Vancouver Courier, Jan 1